WASHINGTON — It took less than 48 hours into the new Congress for some of the most liberal freshmen of the now Democratic-controlled House to upend Capitol Hill — and they see no reason to slow down.
They have pressed for an ambitious and costly climate change proposal that would eliminate the use of fossil fuels in 12 years and provide a job to anyone who wants one. After conservatives tried to embarrass Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York with old footage of her dancing, she faced them down by videotaping new footage of her dancing — outside her new congressional office.
Between dance numbers and knowing Instagram posts, she tried — and failed — to beat back an obscure austerity measure for the incoming Congress, and she floated plans to tax the extremely wealthy by as much as 70 percent. In the meantime, her freshman classmate Representative Rashida Tlaib of Michigan was unapologetically upsetting Democratic talking points with an exuberant, expletive-filled pledge to impeach the president.
“Congresswoman Tlaib was elected to shake up Washington, not continue the status quo,” her office said in a statement standing by her remarks even as President Trump was denouncing them, and her, on national television.
In case it wasn’t already clear, the insurgent freshmen who promised bold and uncompromising action, uninterested in and unbowed by the strictures of the status quo, are showing no signs of wavering. They appear determined to push their party to the left, even as more experienced lawmakers fear that their antics and programs could divide the party and empower Republicans.
“I think some lessons will be learned pretty quickly around here,” Representative Dina Titus, Democrat of Nevada and a former professor of political science, said after Ms. Tlaib’s profane outburst. “You don’t want to hand the gun for the other side to shoot you with.”
The 2019 freshmen are hardly the first incoming class to come in swinging. The “Watergate babies” of 1975 came in with a mandate to clean up government. Newt Gingrich’s Republican Revolutionaries of 1995 and the Tea Party class of 2011 believed they had a mandate for conservative change; what they lacked in realism, they made up for in moxie.
This new class has deeper ideological divisions, but its liberal wing is in the spotlight, thanks to the iPhone video-Instagram generation that powered its ascent. Its reach, as of yet, has gone only so far, though. Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who took pains to welcome the freshmen and praise their victories, must also attend to the demands of more moderate lawmakers whose victories in Republican districts sealed the party’s majority — and whose re-elections are necessary to keep it.
Ms. Pelosi has curtailed many of the insurgent progressives’ demands. For instance, she held off on tasking a new climate change committee with a mandate to produce a “Green New Deal” and deprived it of subpoena power.
She also put down an insurrection designed to block the reinstatement of so-called pay-as-you-go rules that require new spending to be offset by equal spending cuts or tax increases. The speaker assuaged liberals with an assurance that they could waive pay-as-you-go for legislative priorities, and she agreed to hearings for their “Medicare for All” single-payer health plan.
But the newcomers’ mix of bold policy proposals and lighthearted personas has caught the nation’s attention — on Friday, Ms. Ocasio-Cortez, 29, the youngest lawmaker in the chamber, surpassed Ms. Pelosi in Twitter followers. Their savvy, almost Trumpian use of social media may not pass a national health plan or a 70 percent income tax bracket, but it has helped muscle the policy conversation into the national discourse, and has nudged the party to the left.
Representative Jackie Speier of California, one of the more senior women in the House, praised the new women for “invigorating the Congress” and “having the guts to say these rules don’t make any sense.” Nodding toward their tools of communication, she added, “I think what we’ve learned from President Trump is that people like authenticity.”
Several of the freshman proposals are not particularly new. For years, liberals have demanded greater attention to climate change. Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont made Medicare for All central to his campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2016.
But they are adding a youthful veneer.
“It’s not that they own it all by themselves,” said Representative Alan Lowenthal, Democrat of California. The new efforts, he added, are “pushing people who were ready to be pushed.”
The downside of their undisciplined messaging power was on display Friday, as Ms. Tlaib’s impeachment comments ricocheted from the internet to the political conversation and overshadowed the rollout of the House Democrats’ first legislative priority, an ambitious overhaul of ethics and accountability measures. Instead of answering questions about the proposal, Democrats were forced to critique their newly sworn-in colleague, just as Republicans have been answerable to Mr. Trump’s tweets.
“You cannot accomplish much of anything unless you have civility and show respect for your colleagues,” Representative Elijah Cummings of Maryland, chairman of the House Oversight and Reform Committee, told reporters.
The comments gave Republicans already irked by the progressive freshmen perhaps the most substantive fodder to date. Representative Liz Cheney of Wyoming, the Republicans’ messaging leader, warned anew of the foothold that Democratic “radicals” were gaining in the House.
“Pelosi’s got her first test, and it happened on Day 1: How is she going to stand up to the most radical left elements of her party when they become unhinged?” said Representative Steve Scalise of Louisiana, the No. 2 House Republican.
The kerfuffle is likely to be swamped by the coming fights over policy. The freshmen are teaming up with other liberals like Representatives Pramila Jayapal and Ro Khanna to make another run at repealing pay-as-you-go, arguing that Republicans put no such limits on themselves when they cut taxes by .5 trillion in 2017 or created the prescription drug benefit for Medicare in 2003.
Ms. Tlaib and Representative Ilhan Omar, Democrat of Minnesota, have threatened to take aim at the longstanding pro-Israel positions of both parties.
But no issue might be as problematic for Democrats as climate change, specifically how far the House should go to combat it when the Senate is in Republican hands, headed by a majority leader, Senator Mitch McConnell, who jealously guards the coal interests of his state, Kentucky.
After two years of railing against Mr. Trump for denying the established science of climate change, Democrats are eager to make a difference on global warming. There’s little unity, however, over how to do it.
A number of lawmakers have embraced a “Green New Deal,” an ambitious, still vague climate stimulus package inspired by the programs that Franklin D. Roosevelt created to pull the United States out of the Great Depression.
“This is going to be the New Deal, the Great Society, the moon shot, the civil rights movement of our generation,” Ms. Ocasio-Cortez said at a recent town-hall-style event.
But Ms. Ocasio-Cortez won’t be leading the climate change panel. Instead, Ms. Pelosi has tapped Representative Kathy Castor of Florida. She also sidestepped demands from progressives that the panel be specifically tasked with fleshing out the details of the Green New Deal, a move that Ms. Ocasio-Cortez publicly pilloried.
In an interview, Ms. Castor had only praise for the freshmen’s efforts on climate change, calling them “transformative.”
“Part of the message is, ‘No way, we do not have time for climate deniers, and we’re going to press on,’” she said. “Yes, they’re going to be pressing Democrats here, but I see a huge movement underway. This is our moment, and we need this youthful energy.”
But Ms. Castor has history to worry about. In 2009 and 2010, House Democrats embraced a more market-oriented approach to climate change that would have capped the emissions of climate-warming carbon dioxide and had companies trade credits to allow some to emit more than others, as long as overall emissions declined.
Former Representative Henry Waxman, one of the bill’s authors, noted that the legislation was based on a plan developed by a coalition of leading environmental and business groups, including members of the fossil fuel industry, to encourage Republican support.
“It turned out we were wrong. Republicans didn’t care at all what business interests had to say,” Mr. Waxman said.
Ms. Pelosi muscled the bill through the House in 2009 at great cost to some Democrats in conservative areas, only to see the Senate not even touch it, even though it was in Democratic control. That House vote helped sweep Democrats from power the next year.B:
王中王一码中“【君】【尘】?” 【木】【灵】【醒】【来】【时】【天】【已】【经】【蒙】【蒙】【的】【亮】【起】【来】【了】，【木】【灵】【醒】【来】【时】【感】【觉】【头】【下】【枕】【着】【软】【软】【的】【东】【西】，【抬】【头】【一】【看】【竟】【是】【君】【尘】【的】【胸】【脯】。 “【怎】【么】，【你】【醒】【了】?“【君】【尘】【被】【木】【灵】【叫】【醒】，【睡】【眼】【朦】【胧】【的】【看】【着】【木】【灵】，【声】【音】【沙】【哑】【带】【着】【重】【重】【的】【鼻】【音】。 【木】【灵】【皱】【着】【眉】【头】，【环】【望】【四】【周】【手】【指】【指】【着】【树】【林】，【一】【脸】【茫】【然】。 【君】【尘】【看】【着】【木】【灵】【傻】【傻】【的】【样】【子】，【不】【禁】【一】【笑】:
【而】【以】【往】【那】【些】【下】【位】【面】【的】【人】，【一】【向】【都】【是】【畏】【畏】【缩】【缩】【的】，【外】【貌】【看】【起】【来】【也】【不】【可】【能】【有】【这】【么】【年】【轻】。 【在】【场】【的】【人】【能】【来】【慕】【云】【楼】【吃】【饭】，【说】【是】【普】【通】，【但】【也】【都】***，【或】【是】【一】【些】【小】【世】【家】【子】【弟】。 【而】【他】【们】【有】【一】【项】【任】【务】，【就】【是】【需】【要】【记】【大】【家】【族】【子】【弟】【的】【脸】（【徽】【章】，【腾】【图】）【为】【得】【不】【是】【与】【他】【们】【较】【好】，【而】【是】【别】【傻】【不】【拉】【几】【的】【惹】【祸】【上】【身】。 【他】【们】【没】【见】【过】【倾】【心】【几】【人】，
“【呜】……” 【离】【得】【很】【远】【就】【能】【够】【听】【到】【远】【方】【的】【声】【音】，【从】【开】【始】【到】【结】【束】【整】【整】【响】【了】【五】【分】【多】【钟】，【听】【上】【去】【甚】【至】【有】【些】【像】【是】【火】【车】【的】【轰】【鸣】。【然】【而】【事】【实】【是】，【那】【是】【龙】【吼】【声】。 “【哦】，【这】【是】【我】【的】【儿】【时】【玩】【伴】【玛】【格】【丽】【娅】【调】【嗓】【子】【的】【声】【音】。”【阿】【斯】【奎】【一】【脸】【陶】【醉】【的】【说】【道】，“【真】【是】【让】【人】【怀】【念】【啊】，【从】【这】【一】【嗓】【子】【我】【听】【得】【出】【来】，【她】【已】【经】【完】【全】【发】【育】，【而】【且】【是】【三】【头】【小】【龙】【的】【母】王中王一码中【素】【心】【挥】【退】【所】【有】【属】【下】，【无】【奈】【道】，“【我】【嫁】【斩】【心】，【正】【是】【为】【了】【紫】【英】。” 【莲】【心】【疑】【惑】【道】，“【我】【与】【紫】【英】【分】【别】【时】，【他】【不】【是】【还】【好】【好】【的】【吗】？【你】【们】【完】【全】【可】【以】【再】【续】【夫】【妻】【缘】【分】。” “【没】【用】【了】。【紫】【英】【到】【达】【虚】【天】【界】【时】，【被】【我】【的】【手】【下】【暗】【算】，【受】【了】【几】【鞭】【打】【神】【鞭】，【神】【魂】【受】【损】，【已】【经】【昏】【睡】【几】【百】【年】【了】。”【素】【心】【眉】【头】【紧】【皱】。 “【几】【百】【年】？【我】【明】【明】【与】【他】【分】【别】【几】【万】
【北】【境】【的】【初】【春】，【风】【刮】【在】【身】【上】【还】【是】【冷】【得】【要】【命】，【而】【她】【们】【两】【个】【小】【姑】【娘】【却】【只】【穿】【着】【破】【旧】【不】【堪】【的】【单】【薄】【衣】【服】，【光】【着】【脚】【丫】【低】【着】【头】【静】【静】【地】【等】【待】【着】【命】【运】【给】【她】【们】【最】【后】【的】【安】【排】。 【朱】【宥】【看】【不】【下】【去】，【走】【上】【前】【问】：“【你】【们】【的】【父】【母】【呢】？” 【两】【个】【小】【姑】【娘】【齐】【刷】【刷】【的】【抬】【起】【头】【来】，【朱】【宥】【这】【才】【发】【现】【二】【人】【像】【是】【用】【一】【个】【模】【子】【刻】【出】【的】，【竟】【生】【的】【一】【模】【一】【样】，【是】【孪】【生】【姐】【妹】。
“【董】【子】【瑜】，【你】【倒】【行】【逆】【施】，【为】【祸】【天】【下】，【那】【我】【便】【替】【天】【行】【道】，【除】【了】【你】【这】【祸】【害】，【还】【岚】【岳】【大】【陆】【一】【片】【太】【平】【盛】【世】。”【白】【亦】【云】【霸】【气】【的】【说】【道】。 【天】【泫】【大】【军】【一】【路】【长】【途】【跋】【涉】，【急】【行】【军】，【在】【没】【有】【休】【整】【的】【情】【况】【下】【和】【天】【柠】【交】【战】，【并】【非】【明】【智】【之】【举】，【董】【子】【瑜】【也】【不】【傻】，【不】【如】【先】【行】【后】【撤】，【休】【整】【两】【日】【后】【再】【来】【攻】【城】。 “【传】【令】【全】【军】，【后】【撤】【二】【十】【里】【地】【安】【营】【扎】【寨】。”【董】